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  • The Kirkuk representative of the Sadr Group Al-Sakri underlined that they want Kirkuk remained as attached to Bagdad. Al-Sakri said "Kirkuk is as important as our religion."
    The Iraqi Amir of Yazidis’ Anwar Muawiya İsmail explained that especially since 2003, there has been a great pressure on Yazidis, most of whom live in Mosul.
    ISCI Kirkuk Representative Necad Huseyin Hasan expressed that their own wish was to see Turkey more powerful in the region.
    Selahaddin Provincial Council's General Secretary Niyazi Mimaroglu, stated that they owe their success to serving to all the public by not discriminating.
    The Governor of Salahaddin province Abdülcabbar El-Kerim said “This province always welcomes the Turkish investors.”
    Ali Hasim Muhtaroğlu told that the political successes of the Turkmen in the Salahaddin Province increased enormously in the recent years.
    Usame Dede said that the Turkmen living in Diyala recently started to have more self-confidence and to be more active in the local politics.
    Basil El Gureyri, the vice president of the Center for Iraq Strategic Studies shared his assessments on the Iraq Elections
    Azad Chalak, executive editor of Rozname, which is close to Goran, attributed Goran’s failure to underutilizing nationalist rhetoric.
    The chairman of the executive board of the Turkish-Kurdish Friendship Association, based in Arbil, Shivan Taveng claimed that if Turkey wants regional power, its best leverage is the Kurds.
    Iraqi Vice President Adil Abd Al-Mahdi answered ORSAM's questions on Iraq’s main problems, domestic politics and election issues.
    Alon Ben-Meir, Professor of International Relations, has answered ORSAM's questions regarding recent Middle East politics and Turkey's role.
    In the interview with Aude Sgnoles, the municipal governance in Gaza and the causes of Hamas' success were discussed.
    Meeting with the Iraqi Turkish Teachers
    On the meeting, there was an exchange of ideas on the troubles in the education system.
    Iraqi Bektashis in ORSAM
    The current position of Bektashi community, their problems and the possible solutions were handled.
    Decision of Cooperation Between Baghdad University and ORSAM
    Delegations exchanged views about academic cooperation and joint activities.
    American House of Delegates Members and Senators at ORSAM
    The American Delegation from Virginia and Maryland received a briefing on Turkey-US relations.
    ORSAM-IAMES Meeting
    The sides decided upon having joint studies on the Middle East and Turkey-Vietnam relations.
    The Final Communiqué of the Turkey-Iraq Relations Symposium Has Been Declared:
    "Let's rewrite the history of the Middle East together"
    The First Turkey-Yemen Forum was Held
    The Forum in Istanbul was organized by The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ORSAM and İTO.
    The Full Text of Iraqi Kurdish Regional Government's President Massoud Barzani's Speech at ORSAM on 4 June 2010
    ORSAM Hosted UN Iraq Special Representative Ad Melkert
    Melkert said that Turkey is a constructive model for Iraq.
    SHIVAN TAVENG, CHAIRMAN OF THE EXECUTIVE BOARD OF THE TURKISH-KURDISH FRIENDSHIP ASSOCIATION: “FOR REGIONAL POWER TURKEY’S BEST LEVERAGE IS THE KURDS”

    The chairman of the executive board of the Turkish-Kurdish Friendship Association, based in Arbil, Shivan Taveng emphasized that a rapprochement with Turkey is being discussed enthusiastically. Taveng said that the Kurds desire to improve their relations with the West and with Turkey because when the Shiites and Sunnis in Iraq find strong foreign support, the Kurds stand alone. At this point, Taveng asserted that, the US’s idea of commending the Kurds to Turkey is discussed a lot, and the Kurds are the best leverage for Turkey’s power in the region. 
     
    How do you evaluate the rapid development of the relations between Turkey and the Kurdistan Regional Government?
     
    TAVENG: There are 3 problems for Turkey that inhibit relations with Kurdistan. The situation of Kirkuk, the possible independence of the Kurds and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party problem. However, when mutual contact increased, anxiety about these problems began to decrease. High level visits in Ankara and Arbil overcame the bias. The visits of important authorities such as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ahmet Davutoglu, the Minister of Industry and Trade, Zafer Çaglayan, and the Minister of Internal Affairs, Beshir Atalay affected region’s opinion positively. Relations that were initiated in 1991 have been continued at the level of Kurdish party representatives. In the beginning, Turkey approached the Iraqi Kurdistan with a security perspective. When the Justice and Development Party came to power this perspective changed. The visit of Minister of Foreign Affairs Davutoglu was a turning point. In this new period security anxieties have been displaced by a perspective oriented towards politics and economics. This general perspective features our common interests and dialogue. The Kurdistan Regional Government is very decided that the Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s attacks must not be launched from Iraqi Kurdistan. The two sides must think about this subject for a long time. The sides should realize that diplomatic methods are more important than military methods. Moreover, there are numerous factors link Turkish and Kurdish societies to each other. There are linking factors, such as religion and common culture. At present, Kurdish opinion favors a rapprochement with Turkey over relations with the Arabs and Iran. Of course, there is the effect of Iraq’s internal dynamics. Shiites are supported by Iran, but Sunni-Arabs are supported by 22 Arab nations. The US will completely withdraw its troops after 2011. There will be a power vacuum. Kurds will need help in this situation. Neither Kurds nor Sunni Arabs want Iran to be strengthened. The emergence of Turkey as a moderate regional power is very important both for the US and for the Kurds. Turkey, since it is a great power, must do what’s necessary. If good steps are made, Turkish-Kurdish friendship will be consolidated.
     
    Turkey has changed its attitude. Is this the only reason for the rapid development of relations between the Kurdistan Regional Government and Turkey? Were there any attitude changes on the part of the Kurds?
     
    Attitude changes have occurred on both sides. When Turkey was preparing for air operations in Iraqi Kurdistan, Nechirvan Barzani offered the hand of friendship and said that dialogue was needed. And this made a very positive impression. The inner change of Kurds is also very important. Democratization, giving Turkmens a quota, taking steps to pacify Kurds played a positive role. Global powers also had an effect on this period of change. Iraqi Kurdistan is the gateway for Turkey to the Arab world. Turkey’s steps in the direction of solving its own Kurdish problem, as it proceeds towards full EU membership, helped relations to improve. Turkey has $5 billion worth of commercial earnings annually from Iraqi Kurdistan. This number is double Turkey’s commerce with Greece. Barzani’s visit to Ankara will be a turning point for these relations. Barzani will visit Turkey in his official capacity. Opening a consulate in Arbil means de facto that Turkey recognizes the Kurdish administration. And this will accelerate the improvement of relations. Iraqi Kurdistan is Turkey’s gateway to the Arab world. Turkey wants to increase it volume of trade with Iraq to $20 billion. As is known, 60% of Turkey’s commerce with Iraq is with Iraqi Kurdistan. The Kurdistan Regional Government has shown nothing but goodwill. The biggest construction tenders were given to Turkish companies. Turkey takes the lion’s share from its investments in Iraqi Kurdistan. If Kirkuk is annexed to Iraqi Kurdistan, again Turkey will take the lion’s share from the restructuring programs. Turkey has begun to lean towards the Kurds in its new approach to the Middle East. In the past, Turkey leaned toward the Sunnis and Shiites, but it was unable to obtain the desired results. At this point, Turkey has understood the importance of the Kurds, and now, there is a common decision to cooperate. If Turkey wants regional power, its best leverage is the Kurds. After Massoud Barzani’s visit, there should be numerous new steps, such as lifting visa requirements and increasing the number of flights.
     
    Are the advantages that Turkey offers limited to commercial activities? Will there be improvements in security, too?
     
    The resources of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party are in Turkey, not in Iraqi Kurdistan. Some elements of the PKK are in Kurdistan Regional Government territory, but this situation is out of the administration’s control. The Kurdish Government does its best to limit the organization. If there is no mention of the Kurds in the Turkish Constitution, there is a fear that the PKK’s problem will not be solved and violence will be reignited. Cultural rights should be guaranteed under the Constitution. The problem should be resolved in Turkey. 
    Turkmens and Kurds were affected by the repressive politics during Saddam Hussein’s regime. Here, in the struggle for a more democratic government we were on the same side. But soon after 2003, especially in the disputed areas, conflict quickly erupted between Turkmens and Kurds, and on the other side, the Turkmens and Arabs got closer quickly. 
     
    In your opinion, what should be done to improve relations between theTurkmens and the Kurds? Are there any steps to be made?
     
    We should consider the Turkmen problem an ethnic and sectarian issue.  Most Turkmens belong to the Shiite sect, and their Shiite ideology is predominant. This situation is also true of some Kurds. One million Shiite Kurds (Faylis) live in Baghdad. They stand apart from the rest of the Kurds, since their sectarian identities are predominant. 
     
    Can the Ankara-Arbil line approach melt the ice between Turkmens and Kurds? 
     
    In reality, the Kurdish Government doesn’t ignore the Turkmens. This is very clear when we consider their rights to education. The ITF had a negative role in the past that prevented closer relations. It is not true that Turkmens are debarred from their rights. Here, they receive education in their own language. Their rights are guaranteed constitutionally, but some want to ruin this process. The relations between Turkmens and Kurds date back thousands of years. Noone said a word when Turkmens were persecuted. In fact, there wasn’t any reaction from Turkey either. In reality, both Turkmens and Kurds were persecuted in Iraq. Some are gaining favor from the nervous relations between Turkmens and Kurds. There is equal treatment for everyone under this administration, even if Kurds are predominant in it. At a certain point Turkmens left themselves out. They didn’t even vote for their own lists. The regional government’s president Barzani’s directions to suspend the minority act in the Constitution is very important. Barzani wants to see everyone with a share in the nation. On the other hand, the Kurdish Government wants to annex Kirkuk to create a dwelling place based on everyone’s common interests.
     
    Thank you for your explanations. 
     
    *This interview was conducted by ORSAM Middle East specialist, Oytun Orhan, and ORSAM’s editor in chief, Ogün Duru, in Arbil on May 13, 2010.   
     June 28 2010  
         
    03 September 2010 (ENG / TR)
    02 September 2010 (ENG / TR)
    01 September 2010 (ENG / TR)

    ORSAM Report No: 18

    FROM NEIGHBORHOOD TO STRATEGIC ALLIANCE:
    TURKISH-RUSSIAN RELATIONS
    (Tr-Русский)

    ORSAM Report No:17

    EVALUATION OF 7 MARCH 2010 IRAQ PARLIAMENT ELECTION RESULTS AND THE NEW POLITICAL EQUATION
    (In Turkish)

    ORSAM Rapor No: 16

    SULTANATE OF OMAN :
    A COUNTRY ON THE ARAB PENINSULA CAUGHT BETWEEN TRADITIONALISM AND MODERNITY
    (In Turkish)

    ORSAM Report No: 15

    OBSERVATION REPORT OF ORSAM DELEGATION ON 
    7 MARCH 2010 IRAQI ELECTIONS 
    (In Turkish)

    ORSAM Report No. 14
    POLITICAL SITUATION IN IRAQ DURING THE PRE-ELECTORAL PERIOD AND EXPECTATIONS REGARDING THE ELECTION

    (In Turkish)

    ORSAM Report No. 13
    AN ANALYSIS ON THE POLITICAL STANCE OF THE SHIITE PARTIES AND THE VOTERS, BEFORE THE MARCH 7 ELECTION IN IRAQ
    (In Turkish)

    Report No. 12
    THE INFLUENCE OF THE FACTOR OF IRAQ ON TURKEY’S MIDDLE EAST POLICIES (1990-2008)
    (In Turkish and Russian)

    ORSAM Report No. 11

    THE FORGOTTEN TURKS: TURKMENS OF LEBANON

    ORSAM Report No. 10

    CIVIL WAR IN YEMEN: THE POWER STRUGGLE, REGIONAL INFLUENCES AND RELATIONS WITH TURKEY

    ORSAM Report No. 9

    THE YEMEN ISSUE:
    A STEP TOWARD REGIONAL WAR?

    ORSAM Report No. 8

    ABKHAZIA FOR THE INTEGRATION OF THE BLACK SEA 

    ORSAM Report No. 7

    THE FORGOTTEN TURKMEN LAND: DIYALA

    ORSAM Report No. 6

    THE TUZHURMATU TURKMENS: A SUCCESS STORY

    ORSAM Report No. 5
    TURKEY - LEBANON RELATIONS: PERCEPTIONS OF TURKEY AMONG THE RELIGIOUS AND SECTARIAN FACTIONS IN LEBANON
     

    ORSAM Report No. 4

    2009 LEBANON ELECTIONS: WINNERS, LOSERS AND TURKEY
    (In Turkish)

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